Lulism: the Evolution of a Political Phenomenon

3
Introduction 
 
Lulism, in its origins, is not a political movement. It initiated starting from a 
government. It was born as an attempt to manage by the State and constitute a different 
political governance. It therefore refers to the specific field of political engineering, and 
does not represent a development project, one where short and long term goals must be 
achieved, simply a different way of going about politics. Lulism differs from other social 
movements built around political leaders, which form themselves around the culture of 
the personality of the leader himself, and not when political and popular forces unite 
around the political ideal personified in a leader. Therefore Lulism is not a culture to 
Lula as a person, and does not represent a political ideal, but rather a mixture of social 
and political forces uniting over several decades of converging activism, and finding its 
common cause within the Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT party.  
Since making his entrance into the political arena, various social scientists found 
themselves in an academic debate regarding his governing style. One of the initial 
concerns was presented by his charismatic personality, evident to everyone since the 
electoral campaign. In an interview with a Paulista newspaper Folha de S. Paulo, in 
November 2002, sociologist JosØ de Souza Martins analyzed Lula’s speech as a seducer 
in front of the public, because the appearance of a charismatic leader is very similar to 
any other person, but hides and carries with him a social duty. This analytical, yet 
intriguing circumstance, does not reveal the complexity of Lulism, although it suggests a 
remarkable trait of Lula’s personality. He has always held this charismatic trait since the 
times when he was a union leader. However, the Lula government, does not resume with 
this personal style. The basic composition of the Lula government operates with elements 
fundamental to the Latin American left wing ideals. In the case of Lulism, the emerging 
project subordinated to the logics of developing alliances, however it maintained an 
organization composed of many classes that would generate the governance necessary for 
the State to promote the reforms historically needed, or at least try to. The State lived the 
Lulism phenomenon as the protagonist of its public actions. Lula’s charisma, therefore, 
composed a rational governing strategy and not a mere emotional or affectionate result of 
the population towards his charismatic leadership.  
The range of alliances that Lula had the ability to generate attracting and seducing 
a large number of social masses, on one side, and the security he guaranteed to the
4
economic representatives, on the other, allowed him to count on a wide range of support, 
from different social classes and backgrounds. Charisma is a resource employed to the 
fullest as a unique feature of Lulism, a gain for the stability of the country. This special 
ingredient for Lulism, founded on the charismatic oratory power, summed to the abilities 
of an organizational left-wing and an economy founded on a  liberal economic aspect, 
create a commanding political design, however insufficient to plan a complete strategic 
platform. For this reason, because insufficient, the charismatic characteristic is used to the 
limit. It can be analyzed as a rational instrument to conduct politics. Therefore, the 
personal style of Lula composes the political engineering found  in the Lulism 
phenomenon.  
Lulism gives continuity to the traditional ideology of the Brazilian left wing, and 
separates with the innovative aspect of the Workers Party. In this sense it brings closer 
together the left wing ideas to the practices of the political elites of the country. It 
assumes, therefore, conservative outlines in relation to the political practices, becoming 
hostage to the permanent search for popularity, and rightfully so, because the channels of 
the government in direct contact with the social base are obstructed by the highly 
centralized management of the country. This vicious cycle completes and explains this 
peculiar convergence between the charismatic focus of the leader, the pragmatism of the 
union and the left-wing political organization. Lulism reveals itself an important 
sociological and political innovation for Brazil. Even more so the culmination of the 
evolution and development over the years of the Workers Party, and the construction of a 
democratic and popular ideal throughout the country.  
Lulism, in this sense, is an amalgamation in its purist form. Operationally it is 
structured to bring forward the transition of the country, from the different angles and the 
opposite realities that characterize Brazil. The more developed urban centres, and the left 
behind interior rural villages; a transition that is capable to amend the late capitalism, 
able to create a hegemonic direction for all the population, that convinces everyone, or at 
least the majority of the people, of the social mosaic present throughout the country. This 
hybrid culture that the modern world has adopted without neglecting the moral values 
and traditional cultural structures.   
This thesis intends to provide a deep outlook into what Lulism is, and what it 
represented for the Brazilian people. The phenomenon evolved over more than three 
decades of social struggles and political clashes, from street riots, to the formation of a 
political party, and national presidency which meant leading the country and the Brazilian
5
population. The leading figure is personified in Lula, a charismatic politician that based 
his beliefs and his life for the union and the rights of the workers, but as the thesis intends 
to demonstrate, Lulism, is a phenomenon guided by a mixture of social and political 
forces, making the Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT, their working base. The 2002 national 
election was lead by impoverished Brazilians, initially attracted by Lula’s radical past and 
his passionate pledge to transform Brazil’s highly unequal society, could sense his 
potential for leading a social and political revolution that would bring justice to the 
ignored lower tier of the population. 
The thesis is divided in five chapters. The first chapter gives an in depth 
perspective of the beginnings of the phenomenon. Dating back almost four decades when 
the ideals were still raw and in the developing stages, yet laying the foundations and 
building the needing momentum for the future evolution. The street riots of the Seventies, 
the birth of the Party in 1980, and the political establishment culminating in the national 
elections in 2002, represent the key aspects of the chapter. As the pages will tell, the 
phenomenon in the early days is depicted quite differently than the more modern days, 
this was the process of evolution the phenomenon went through. The values remained, 
but the adaptation to the different historic moments characterized the political picture.  
The second chapter portrays Lulism in a modern light; the phenomenon reaches 
the national Presidency. The ideals and values of decades of struggles can take centre 
stage for the good of the Brazilian population. This section primarily concentrates on the 
second term of the Lula presidency, since the evolution of the political phenomenon 
reaches a more mature position, as the first administration was marred by the 
reorganization of the government, many reforms, a severe initial economic crisis, and 
corruption scandals within the Brazilian parliament, that did not allow for Lulism to 
productively work as intended, although it was able to leave its imprint.  
As the third chapter portrays, Lulism, and the results brought by president Lula’s 
government, underwent noticeable criticism from politicians, professional critics, and 
international officials. COHA research associate Emily Kirksey depicted Lula’s first 
administration under an extreme critical lens:  
“Since his election, Lula has behaved not as a populist or even a left-leaning 
leader, but as a neoliberal pragmatist, interested only in economic return. Rather than 
immediately postponing debt payments so that he would be able to fund his social service 
budget, Lula has fought hard to eradicate all of Brazil’s dollar-linked debt (although
6
interest rate-based debt remains high) through high interest rates, taxes, and tight fiscal 
policy.”
1
 
Many aspects of the Lula administration received severe criticisms, from the 
social and economic agenda, to the reform policies and foreign relations. The literature 
about Lulism tries to provide special insight to the criticisms behind the phenomenon, 
analyzing the reasons why Lula’s presidency should not be viewed under such a positive 
light. For many Brazilians, the October 2002 election of President Luiz InÆcio Lula da 
Silva symbolized the ascendance to power of a leftist prodigal son, and for many critics 
this was not the case.  
The fourth chapter reveals the social agenda throughout the presidency. President 
Lula had always invested his ideals in social programs for the most needing. Eradicating 
hunger and poverty have been on the national agenda throughout the administration, with 
important investments in programs such as Fome Zero and Bolsa Familia. The social 
investments were also protagonist of significant criticisms, as critics emphasized that 
despite the government’s growing investments, there hadn’t been substantial 
improvement in the country’s main social problems, primarily the educational system. An 
in depth look is dedicated to corruption, and the political scandals that marred the 
presidency. Although Lula himself was able to fight off the criticisms, the government 
had to recover several times from embarrassing corruption scandals. The problem is 
eradicated in the political system of the country.  
The last section of the thesis will venture Brazil in a global context. Brazil's 
foreign policy is a by-product of the country's unique position as a regional power in 
Latin America, a leader among developing countries, and an emerging world power. 
Brazilian foreign policy has generally been based on the principles of multilateralism, 
peaceful dispute settlement, and non-intervention in the affairs of other countries, and 
Lula tried to follow these values. The international relations of the Lula presidency 
represented a very significant and important aspect. Brazilian foreign policy has tended to 
emphasize regional integration, bringing to increased relations with Brazil’s South 
American neighbours through international institutions, resulted in the development of 
Mercosur, the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas, Brazil seeking a permanent seat in 
the United Nation’s Security Council, and constant interaction with international financial 
institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The Brazilian 
                                                 
1
 KIRKSEY, E. Lula, Brazil’s lost leader. COHA research associate. June 21
st
, 2006.
7
government has also prioritized its leadership role within Mercosul and expanded trade 
ties with countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Lula gave high priority in 
establishing political dialogue with other strategic actors such as India, Russia, China and 
South Africa through participation in international partnerships.  
An analysis of the international relations with the United States provides the 
finishing touches to the thesis. First a reflection at the relationship during the Bush 
presidency, to then analyze the changes in the interaction during the Barack Obama 
presidency. Although the relationship with the United States was not characterized by 
particularly tense moments, economic and political discrepancies between the two 
countries have been constantly present.
9
First Chapter 
The Workers Party  
 
The birth of the Workers Party, in 1980, was not only marked by a large red 
star, but more importantly by a person whose abbreviation name would write the 
history of the party, Lula. Himself and his fellow co-workers would construct the 
party based on their ideological convictions, differentiating themselves from 
existing ones of the time. Thirty years later, the metallurgic worker is known 
worldwide as the man who presided Brazil for eight years, drove the country 
through numerous changes, and guided his current successor in light of her 
Presidency. Luis Inàcio Lula da Silva grew larger than his own political Party, as 
politicians and social scientists recognize, although not all agree that Lula is the 
leader of the new political current, known as Lulism, characterized and 
strengthened by the social programs implemented in his two presidential mandates.   
The original Workers Party discourse has always been moralist, more critical than 
propositive. Moralist because it was founded on a sentiment of profound social 
injustice. The rural lives conducted in the fields by the workers were breaking all 
moral codes. The rural activities represented the main reason for the migrations 
towards the industrial areas of the country by the poorest populations. In the 
original documents of the Workers Party, it appears that this is the moment in which 
the Petismo, the ideological movement of the Workers Party, lives an almost total 
symbiosis with the new social movements. In the Political Declaration of the 13
th
 of 
October 1979, this stood out as one of the three important requirements for the 
construction of the new party. Speaking of the popular masses, to conquer politics 
as their own activity, with the desire to participate, legally and legitimately, out of 
all the possible political powers within society to choose from, and not only in the 
sole electoral moments, but by practicing day after day towards the construction of 
a new conception of democracy with its roots embedded in society and supported 
by the decisions of the majorities
2
.  
 
 
 
                                                 
2
 RICCI, R.  Lulismo, da era dos movimentos sociais à ascensao da nova classe media brasileiro. Brasilia: 
Astrogildo, Pareira, 2010
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1.1  A Typical Brazilian 
 
Luiz Inàcio da Silva was born in the Northeast of Brazil, in 1945, from a 
family of farmers, limited to precarious economic lifestyle. Called Lula from his 
childhood, the nickname only stuck in 1982, for electoral reasons. His family path 
coincides with that of many other northeastern Brazilians who, expelled from the 
working fields from their landlords, had to reallocate in the state of Sao Paulo, in 
search for better living and working conditions. It was a search for opportunities for 
many families, as the land owners in the northeast did not provide adequate work or 
working conditions. Many families were left starving, and were forced to leave.  
Lula’s family transferred in 1956. He lived with his mother and two brothers 
in a tight room in the basement of a bar, in which the only bathroom was divided 
among the whole family. Lula only remembers when, at the age of eleven, he did 
not have any notion of what social inequality meant, except for the embarrassment 
to not have available in his house a chair for a guest to sit on.
3
  
His first job, at the age of twelve, was in a laundry mat, washing and drying 
clothes. When he was fourteen, he entered a metallurgic industry, where he then 
had the opportunity to become a mechanic. It was then, for the first time, he made 
contact with a working strike, participating in the picketing and assisting at a 
confrontation between workers and managers. In this confrontation he witnessed the 
death of a colleague. This sad detail would forever remain in his mind, as a possible 
outcome in a workers strike without proper political direction
4
. 
 
 1.2  The Workers Class Wins Presidency 
 
Indicated as the presidential candidate for the Workers Party (PT), Lula 
received the direct support from the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB) and the 
Brazilian Communist Party (PC do B). This made possible the formation of the 
Brazilian Popular Front, which supported Lula’s candidacy. Explaining the 
presence, and successful presidential candidacy, of a mechanic who barely 
graduated high school and architect of the most influential workers strikes in the 
history of Brazil, is not a simple task. To help understand the solution to this query 
                                                 
3
 BETTO, F.  Lula, bibliografia politica de um operaio. Sao Paulo: Estaçao Liberdade, 1989. 
4
 Ibidem
11
Brazil can be compared to a Suìnda, a word used to describe the mixture between 
Switzerland and India.  
This comparison is an acceptable one because Brazil as a country truly 
exemplifies several paradoxes, hard to imagine in the same country. It is the third 
producer worldwide of microcomputers and sixth for weapons, while it holds the 
fifty-sixth spot worldwide for social development and the eighty-eighth spot for 
allocation of resources towards the educational sector
5
.  
Brazil went through several centuries of Portuguese colonial dominance, 
where a primarily extractive and agricultural economy was based, lead by slave 
labor and an export driven market. The period between the two World Wars, 
conditions were created for which the oligarchs would relocate from the farms to 
the city. Getølio Vargas, populist leader who governed Brazil from 1930 to 1945, 
implemented the bases for an industrialization process centralized in the Southeast 
region. The miserable living conditions of the population of the Northeast, where 
owners of the sugar factories controlled the power and political clientelism was part 
of daily life, stimulated the rural migration towards the factories, favoring the 
increase of favelas in the urban centers
6
.  
In line with the interests of the United States, the Brazilian government 
facilitated the progressive hegemony of multinational companies in the investments 
in industrial and agricultural sectors. During the military dictatorship, different tax 
exemptions and fiscal incentives were created in order to attract, especially in the 
rural regions, foreign capital. The abundance of natural resources and cheap labor, 
made Brazil a sort of natural paradise for multinational companies, more so 
considering that the political economy focused towards exportation. The difference 
with the Southeast regions widened, where the working class was more open to 
modernization, and the rest of the country tied to the plantations, a system in which 
medium and small landowners held all labor power. Fifteen million workers 
without land, expelled from the fields, added to the marginalized urban contingent
7
. 
Considering the vast amounts of land unused, in a country where every five minutes 
two infants die of malnutrition, adding to the destruction of the Amazon, where 
large landholders, miners and exploiters, invade and conquer the land of the settlers, 
                                                 
5
 BETTO, F.  Lula, bibliografia politica de um operaio. Sao Paulo: Estaçao Liberdade, 1989 
6
 Ibidem 
7
 Ibidem
12
promote the genocide of the Indians, contribute to the process of deforestation, 
contaminate the rivers with mercury used for the extraction of gold, condemn the 
local flora and fauna, placing at risk the ecological equilibrium of the planet. It is in 
this context that we can explain the appearance of Populist political leaders, 
committed to the transformation of the Brazilian society, among which Lula stands 
out as the most representative figure.  
Until the 1970s, the Union structure implemented from Vargas in the 1930s 
and inspired from the Italian fascist charter Carta del Lavoro, was primarily 
controlled by the union leaders whom identified themselves in the interests of the 
managers rather than in the rights and aspirations of the workers. In the first half of 
the 1970s we can witness the emergence in the most important industrial centre of 
Brazil, the ABC Paulista, the new trade union. One that can be viewed as 
independent from the managerial oriented previews union. In the midst of this new 
political achievement, Lula emerges as the president of the Metallurgic Union of 
Sao Bernardo do Campo e Diadema, which also represented the largest Union 
leadership in the country
8
. 
 
1.3  The Union Movement 
 
Lula’s first contacts affiliated with the labor Union arose in part to his 
brother’s influence, JosØ Ferreira da Silva, better known as Frei Chico, who was 
tied to the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB). In 1967 Lula enters for the first time 
in the office of a Union. He learns first hand the administrative side of the union, 
the structure of vacation days and the improvement of the medical care department, 
attracted the majority of the welfare concerns from the union. The military regime 
supported the managers and intimidated the activists, many of whom were 
incarcerated and tortured, only because they were publicizing and spreading legal 
protests
9
. 
 
 
 
 
                                                 
8
 BETTO, F.  Lula, bibliografia politica de um operaio. Sao Paulo: Estaçao Liberdade, 1989. 
9
 Ibidem