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China in International Relations from a Constructivist Perspective

China and the environmental crisis

The purpose of the present chapter is to show the evolution in the approach China has adopted in recent years, and the solution it proposes in order to overcome the environmental crisis. This research will show how this evolution is tied to the overall theoretical concepts we have analyzed in Chapter 1.
The first paragraph of the chapter will in fact analyze the Chinese attitude to environmentalism in the international community. More specifically, it will be shown how China has gone from hostility, if not reluctance and nominal compliance with international efforts against pollution, to claiming the status of global leader in the fight against climate change, starting from the aftermath of the 2015 Paris Climate Change Conference. The cooperation with the EU over the issue is instrumental for Chinese claims, although we will see that the cooperation is hindered by some factors. The international community has significantly influenced China, or better yet, China has started to fight against environmental pollution in order to be recognized as an international leader, or at least as a member of the international community.
In the second paragraph we will further study the new Chinese approach to environmentalism conducted in the name of “Ecological Civilization”, Ecological Civilization is also the guideline of China at international conferences regarding the fight against climate change, in which China is showing its ambitions of leader country in the international system. In particular, we will see the impact of environmentalism over the Chinese state policy, as it leads to something that can be dubbed as “environmental totalitarianism”, that is to say, the blending of totalitarian practices with the pursue of environmentalism and a greener society.
In the third paragraph, we will see the impact of the BRI, as it effectively serves as a means for Chinese investors and policymakers to transfer Chinese pollution over to countries receiving Chinese investments. In the case of truly “green” investments, the solution adopted may be either controversial or contradictory, as in some cases they worsen the environmental equilibrium in some countries.
In the fourth paragraph we will observe how another important Chinese international investments program, that is to say, the Global Energy Interconnection initiative, was born with environmental concerns in mind, and it is the most ambitious solution China has put forward in the fight against pollution and the spread of renewable energies. However, the GEI is also heavy politicized, and its explicit ties to the Chinese rejuvenation concept and to the ambitions of Chinese President Xi Jinping cast doubts over the true aims of the program.
Overall, as we are about to see, the changes in the Chinese approach to environmentalism affect, and are affected, by the changes in its identity stemming from the emergence of the Chinese Dream and National Rejuvenation, which we saw proved to be closely tied ideologically with the Tianxia doctrine.

International Environmentalism
The most important efforts the international community has made in order to fight, or at least contain, climate change and pollution have been led under the framework of the United Nations.
The first UN conference organized in order to better discuss and coordinate an appropriate international response to the crisis was the 1972 Stockholm conference on Human Environment, which was attended by a Chinese delegation, among other participants. This participation was significant and symbolic, as countries of the Communist bloc deserted the conference because of Cold War mechanics, and developing countries judged pollution to be an issue only for the developed world. The importance of the conference was more symbolic than practical since, although it produced positive effects in Chinese politics such as the creation in 1973 of a national environment agency, environmental protection was not the priority of the Chinese government as much as economic growth. For instance, although by the end of 1997 national reserves covered 7% of the national territory, the officials in charge were expected to maximize income from the reserves, many of which existed only in theory.
Following the end of the Cold War, and twenty years after the Stockholm conference, the 1992 Rio de Janeiro UN Conference on Environment and Development, also known as the Earth Summit, saw a quasi-universal participation from countries around the globe, China not being an exception. The Rio declaration asserted various principles, such as common but differentiated responsibilities (principle 7) and the precautionary approach (principle 15), which have achieved international acceptance. Concurrently to the Rio Declaration, the Earth Summit also produced another document, Agenda 21, which has the purpose to set objectives for developing countries in order to achieve sustainable development, not in a binding manner.

 
Among the instruments Agenda 21 gives to developing countries, such as China, to reach these goals is financial aid and technological assistance from developed countries, according to principle 7 of the Rio declaration. In fact, it has been estimated that in 1998 four-fifths of Chinese environmental protection programs were financed through international financial aid, from institutions such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. It can be said that international financial aid and technological assistance were the real factors in bringing China to participate in Agenda 21, as it was a buttress to limit interference in Chinese national sovereignty.
The preservation of national sovereignty, which would have been infringed upon by binding international agreements, was the main objective of the Chinese delegation to the 2009 Copenhagen United Nations Climate Change Conference. For this reason, many identified China as the main cause of the collapse of the Copenhagen negotiations, as China was unwilling to bind itself to an obligatory international agreement. In order to show that China was very well capable on its own through voluntary restrictions to fight pollution, Premier Wen Jiabao visited the conference in order to deliver a speech about the Chinese achievements in the topic, but was met with hostility from Western delegations.
The negotiations reached a stalemate, as the United States and the European Union were as unwilling to cede as China, leading then US President Barack Obama to organize a meeting with the Chinese delegation, which was represented by its chief negotiator, He Yafei, as Premier Wen Jiabao was allegedly not invited. However, further compromises were not made, as the Chinese delegation believed that the offer put forward by the United States did not take into full consideration the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, and placed the burden of a reduction in emissions over developing countries, chiefly China. Moreover, the reluctance of developed countries to increase technology sharing in the context of climate change because of fears of possible patent infringement frustrated the Chinese delegation.
 
This led some US policymakers, such as then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, to claim that China’s aim at the Copenhagen negotiations was to isolate the United States in cooperation with Brazil, India, and South Africa. Moreover, China tried to act as a leader of the G77 countries, for instance with the requests to developed countries to increase financial aid in the fight against climate change, although some developing countries judged China to be as environmentally responsible as developed countries.
China changed drastically its approach in view of the 2015 Paris agreements. A first sign of this change was the 2014 agreement brokered between China and the United States at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit, according to which the United States would cease the construction of new coal-powered plants and China pledged to reach peak total carbon emissions by 2030. Coincidentally, 2014 was the same year when Premier Li Keqiang declared the “war on pollution” to the Chinese national legislature, as mentioned in the previous sub-chapter.
China sat at the table of the negotiations with a constructive approach, bringing various proposals to the table based on the “common but differentiated responsibilities” principle, the inclusion of technological sharing and assistance, and transparency of the treaty’s parties actions in a way mindful of the respect of national sovereignty. This new approach, and the fact that the Chinese proposals were accepted for the most part, brought with it a new perception of the country’s involvement in the fight against climate change as a leader, no more a dead weight.

In fact, the international community as a whole welcomed the new approach. The Japanese Minister of the Environment declared that he was totally convinced of the sincerity of China, a comment shared by his Indian and South African colleagues. When President Xi Jinping ratified the Paris agreements treaty, he declared: «China, a responsible developing country and an active player in global climate governance, will implement its development concepts of innovative, coordinated, green, open and shared growth […] and embrace the new era of ecological civilization». China’s commitments would be put to the test a few months later, as former President of the United States Donald J. Trump declared on June 1 2017 the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from the treaty.
The unilateral action was met with universal criticisms, not only for the immediate concerns over the future of environmental policies in the United States, but also because it opened the possibility that China as well could have repealed the treaty, considering the importance it placed on the responsibilities of developed countries in the environmental fight. Other authors instead believe that the withdrawal may have had a more positive role in enhancing China’s role in the international system, as China could have fully embraced its leadership in climate change governance.
In fact, this might be the case, as China is indeed embracing this role, as the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson declared: «No matter how the climate policies of other countries may evolve, China, as a responsible major developing country, will not change its determination, targets or policy measures in tackling climate change». For the international community, these reassertion from Chinese high-level officials were refreshing, especially in the light of the climate change negationism put forward by the US President, who stated that climate change was a hoax created by the Chinese.
The US administration denial of climate change had the effect of increasing the cooperation on the matter between China and the European Union, with some authors making explicit links between global leadership and climate change leadership. Furthermore, this cooperation was due since, similarly to the United States, other large emitters, such as Australia and Brazil, adopted a non-cooperative attitude over the topic, effectively leaving the responsibility to maintain the Paris agreements in place to the European Union and China.
The EU-China climate cooperation, albeit fruitful, has met some obstacles, such as the fact that the EU recognized China as a leading country in technological advancements and global influence, and therefore not a developing country enjoying differentiated responsibilities in the fight against pollution. Moreover, the election of President Joe Biden as 46th President of the United States proves to hinder the leadership role China claims, as the EU has met the news with warm congratulations to the new President.
 
As we have seen throughout this sub-chapter, China is an important actor in international environmentalism. Most notably, we have observed how China chose to pursue economic growth rather than the environment, and how it systematically refused to be tied to binding international agreements in order to protect its national sovereignty in principle, and to protect its national interests in particular. The change in attitude from Copenhagen, where it essentially claimed a role as leaders of developing countries not willing to concede to developed countries, and Paris, is staggering to say the least. In fact, the Paris agreements effectively brought China to be one of the international leaders on climate change, trying to propagate externally the concept of Ecological Civilization, as observed by President Xi Jinping’s remarks during the ratification of the treaty and that we will see plays an important role in contemporary Chinese environmental policies. Most importantly, this role can said to be uncontested, as the United States under the leadership of President Donald Trump effectively relinquished climate change policies. As we will see, the election of Joe Biden as US President can potentially bring to a new US activism over the climate change issue, especially in the sector of international cooperation.
Various factors can possibly explain the change in Chinese attitude concerning climate change and pollution between the 2009 Copenaghen Conference and the 2015 Paris Conference.
For instance, the change in attitude may be explained in an extreme degradation of Chinese environment. In fact, according to a report by the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), in 2017 alone the figure of premature deaths caused by exposure to pollutants in the air alone was approximately 1.530.000.. Ten years before, in 2007, a study conducted by the World Bankjointly with then Chinese State Environmental Protection Administration, affirmed that deaths caused by the same factor were roughly half of the number. These are only the most evident effects of pollution, as the same report found an increase in counties with abnormally high rates of cancer, and evident effects on fertility for people subjected to pollution.

This worsening in pollution could have led to an increase in ecological awareness by Chinese policymakers, such as Xi Jinping, who claimed: «clear waters and green mountains are as valuable as mountains of gold and silver», since 2005, during his tenure as a provincial secretary of the CPC. In this regard, it is indicative that Chinese policymakers have advocated for the inclusion of environmental care in the Chinese Dream concept, in particular for the need of an equilibrium between environment and economic development. This calls were met with success, as in 2015 the concept of shengtai wenming (Ecological Civilization) surfaced for the first time in a document published by the Central Committee of the CPC, with an explicit link to the Chinese Dream.
Furthermore, the role of the international community, or better yet, the claimed role of China in the international community, have led to changes in its attitude towards environmental action. In fact, environmental dialogues and cooperation, including the lack thereof, have led to the creation of an environmental narrative that excludes certain actors a priori. Therefore, China needed a new proactive attitude in order to enter the environmental discourse as a possible leader, and, following the positive Western reaction to the changes it applied, proved to Chinese policymakers that this was the right course in improving Chinese image and international standing. The consideration that Chinese leaders act with the further purpose of achieving international recognition seems to be proven by Commentator Zhang Shan, who stated in the wake of the 2009 Copenhagen Conference: «China made many compromises in Copenhagen and still got a scolding».
The fact that the fight against pollution is judged by policymakers as a facet of the China Dream, or that its solution resides in a Tianxia style world system according to others, further prove the politicization of the topic.
In the next sub-chapter we will see how the drastic change in Chinese approach to environmentalism at the international level stems from systematic changes in internal politics, in parallel to the rise to power of Xi Jinping. Therefore, it will be more evident how the change in Chinese environmental politics is not the result of peculiar characteristics of the Paris negotiations, but rather a consequence in the new course of Chinese politics and the search of a new identity in the global arena.

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China in International Relations from a Constructivist Perspective

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Informazioni tesi

  Autore: Salvatore Bruno
  Tipo: Laurea II ciclo (magistrale o specialistica)
  Anno: 2021-22
  Università: Università degli Studi Roma Tre
  Facoltà: Scienze Politiche
  Corso: Relazioni internazionali
  Relatore: Daniela  Huber
  Lingua: Inglese
  Num. pagine: 120

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